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Sir Keir Starmer visited Wales' northern region on Thursday to declare the development of a new nuclear power station. This represents a significant policy event with both local and national implications. Yet, the PM did not dedicate much time in Wales to advocating answers for the UK's energy needs. Rather, he spent it attempting to draw a line under the briefing controversy within Labour's leadership, informing reporters that Downing Street had not briefed against the health secretary's goals in recent days.

As such, Sir Keir’s day acted as a small-scale example of what his premiership has now become more generally. On the one hand, he desires his government to be doing, and to be perceived as performing, significant actions. Conversely, he is unable to accomplish this due to the manner he – and, to an extent, the nation more generally – now practices political and governmental affairs.

The Prime Minister cannot transform the political culture on his own, but he is able to do something about his personal involvement in it. The plain fact is that he could manage the government's core much more effectively than he currently does. If he did this, he could discover that the country was in less dismay about his administration than it is, and that he was communicating his points more effectively.

Staffing Issues in No 10

Some of the issues in Downing Street relate to personnel. The interpersonal relations of every Downing Street operation are hard to know accurately from the exterior. Yet it appears clear that Sir Keir does not make sound staffing decisions, or stick with them. Perhaps he is too busy. Possibly he lacks genuine interest. But he needs to improve his performance, avoid slow progress or by halves.

• He hesitated about giving the crucial role of top civil servant to Chris Wormald.
• He made Sue Gray his chief of staff, then replaced her with Morgan McSweeney.
• He recruited Darren Jones in from the finance ministry as his chief secretary.
• His communications chiefs have been frequently replaced.
• Political and policy advisers have entered and exited.
• It is a mess.

Structural Challenges at the Core of the Administration

Every prime minister spend too much time overseas and on international matters, where Sir Keir should delegate more, and too little talking to parliamentarians and listening to the public. Premiers also allocate too much time doing media, which Sir Keir worsens by doing it poorly. But premiers cannot express surprise when their political appointees, who tend to be party activists or ambitious in politics, cross lines or become the focus, as Mr McSweeney now has.

The biggest issues, though, are structural. It would be good to think that Sir Keir read the Institute for Government’s spring 2024 study on overhauling the government's central operations. His inability to grip these issues in the summer or since implies he did not. The often abject experience of Labour’s time in office indicates IfG proposals like reorganizing the roles of the central government office and No 10, and separating the jobs of cabinet secretary and head of the civil service, are currently critical.

The dominant political role of PMs greatly exceeds the support available to them. As a result, all aspects suffer, and much is done badly or ignored.

This isn't Sir Keir’s sole responsibility. He stands as the casualty of previous shortcomings along with the architect of present ones. But those who hoped Sir Keir might get a grip on the core and take the machinery of government seriously have been let down. Sadly, the primary casualty from this failure is Sir Keir himself.